Basil Venitis muses that France-Fourth Reich(EU) relations have become increasingly similar to the Ballet de la Merlaison, created by Louis XIII of France in the 17th century. In this unique ballet, the king authored the work and played the leading role. All the other roles in the ballet were considered extras, who eagerly danced to the tune of the king. As long as the king was still alive, this ballet was considered to be the work of a genius. Sarko, who loves the Ballet de la Merlaison, asserts France should play the leading role in Fourth Reich!
Venitis notes France, the poster-child for euro-socialism is facing a national debt of two trillion euros, about 80% of its GDP. That doesn't count the unfunded liabilities of the country's state pension system, which may exceed 200% of GDP. Reforming the French welfare system has long been seen as politically impossible, but the fiscal facts have forced Napoleon Sarko to finally propose an increase in the retirement age. The French government is also selling off government-owned land and other property. And the French health care system has gradually been increasing copayments and other forms of consumer cost-sharing.
Former Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin has created a new center-right party called Republique Solidaire. Villepin aims to capitalize on Napoleon Sarko's current poor poll ratings. Sarko's re-election was regarded as a certainty, but a Republique Solidaire candidacy in the 2012 ballot will split the conservative vote. Villepin has been one of Sarko's strongest critics in the conservative camp. He was prime minister under President Jacques Chirac and was known to have a tense relationship with Sarko, who served as his interior minister.
Basil Venitis muses that Napoleon Sarko is neurotic, bipolar, Oedipal, and psychopathic. Sarko seeks the love of the public, because his father abandoned him as a child. The swift replacement of Cecilia by Carla is a symptom of self-indulgence and insecurity. Sarko's narcissism, aggression, and childish behaviour stem from insecurity. Sarko's problem is his inability to distinguish his ego from his soul. Acute sarkozis means being obsessed by the phenomenon of Napoleon Sarko, le personnage mythologique, rather than Sarko's soul, that France does not know Sarko as well as it thinks.
Venitis notes that Sarko sees the finacial crisis as an opportunity to usher in the Eurozone Economic Government, a stupid socialistic idea. In this monolithic Europe, the bloc's leaders, not its central bankers and finance ministers, would set economic policy.
Discontent is growing in France over the fact that Sarko became president on a pledge to modernize the country and to make it more transparent and effective. Instead, the reforms he pledged have come to a standstill and France's national debt has reached an astronomical two trillion euros. Sarko's public approval ratings have collapsed to an historical low.
Labor Minister Eric Woerth has starred in a scandal over the tax evasion of France's richest woman, Liliane Bettencourt, while others have been caught up in revelations of expense abuses. Woerth had personally approved a €30 million tax refund for Liliane Bettencourt in March 2008. While it is apparently usual for wealthy individuals in France to be audited every three years, Bettencourt has not been audited in 20 years! Exposed Sarko has little to celebrate this year, and he canceled the multimillion-euro Garden Party traditionally held at Elysee Palace.
Basil Venitis, an Athenian orator, muses Bettencourtgate, the source to sink route of French kickbacks, is a tragedy mixing the high drama of Corneille and the farce of Moliere. Many Francokleptocrats are constantly marching through the house of Bettencourts, especially at election time. They all come to pick up their envelopes, from 100,000 euros to one million euros. Sarko has been a regular visitor, and a venitist overhears their conversations, because Liliane Bettencourt is quite deaf and Sarko has to speak loudly. Sarko gets many envelopes. It happens in one of the little ground floor salons next to the dining room, usually after the meal. In this discrete manner, the billionaire family at the helm of the L'Oréal cosmetics empire put their stamp on French politics. Everyone in the house knows that Napoleon Sarko comes to see Bettencourt just to pick up kickbacks. Sarko has become a sink of kickbacks!
Bettencourtgate began after Liliane Bettencourt's daughter, Francoise Bettencourt-Meyers, filed a legal complaint against gigolo Francois Banier, who had taken advantage of her mother's frailty to secure gifts valued up to one billion euros. A butler had secretly taped conversations between the heiress and her money manager in which she had discussed kickbacks. The butler then turned CDs of the recordings over to Bettencourt's daughter, who leaked them to the media. The contents of the CDs as well as subsequent claims made by bookkeeper Claire Thibaut have since pulled Woerth, Sarko, and other Francokleptocrats into the scandal.
Government expenditures in France, including consumption and transfer payments, are very high. In 2007, the most recent year measured, government spending equaled 52.3 percent of GDP. State-owned or state-controlled enterprises dominate the electricity and rail industries. Government and semi-public companies in which the state holds shares employ approximately 25 percent of the labor force, second highest only to Sweden in fourth Reich(EU).
A good example of how massive government spending breeds cronyism can be gleaned by reviewing how the city government of Paris operated when former French president Jacques Chirac was the mayor from 1977 to 1995.
Chirac was immune from prosecution during his 14 years as president, but since leaving office in 2007 has been ordered to stand trial for corruption while he was mayor. Chirac used government funds to employ one thousand consultants, including friends, colleagues and their relatives, political associates, and even sports stars, who received regular paychecks in exchange for their political support for Chirac during his four presidential election campaigns and for their private work for him to build a political network across France. The funds for these jobs came to the city of Paris through an elaborate web of illicit kickbacks worth millions of euros from developers, building contractors and other big businesses.
Chirac organized a scheme to overcharge the kingdom of Saudi Arabia for French military equipment during his presidential term. He was doing this for the benefit of himself and his political party. Saudis and their French collaborators excluded the opportunity for American and other firms to bid on the military aircraft, training and systems in question. The contacts in question amount to more than twenty billion euros. The French have a government-controlled organization, Sofresa, that is responsible for the sales of major weapons systems and operates under the supervision of the French president.
Saudi Arabia, through its defense ministry, contracted with a private intermediary, the Bugshan Group, led by Khalid Bugshan, to arrange the sale of 150 helicopters and other military aircraft to Sofresa, which was acting on behalf of the French government. The procurement process corrupted the French government, from Jacques Chirac to officials in Sofresa and the Ministry of Defense. Bugshan's activities allowed the French government to obtain significant price premiums, as much as 80 percent over and above the French suppliers' prices and Sofresa's standard markup for services. This was done though invoices for fictitious services and other practices, which purportedly enriched Jacques Chirac as well as his and other political parties. For example, if an airplane for Saudi Arabia should have cost ten million euros, it would be purchased for as much as thirty million euros by the Saudis, and then Bugshan would see to it that ten million euros was distributed Francokleptocrats and ten million euros to corrupt Saudi princes.
The losers in this scheme were, of course, the Saudi Arabian people, who were stuck with a bill to pay three times as much for aircraft as they should have, and the non-French and particularly U.S. aviation firms and their workers, who did not get a fair chance to build the aircraft for the Saudis. Khalid Bugshan and his group had their agreement with the French, and their contacts included French government officials and some in the inner circle of the Saudi ruling family.
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